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Scarcely a day passes that we do not read or hear the cry for “more responsive government,” that government “meet the needs of the people,” that we “streamline government for efficiency.”
That these demands go largely unquestioned and unchallenged shows the extent to which the state has assumed a decision-making role and the degree to which we have relinquished our willingness to assume responsibility for the daily conduct of our own lives.
The call for efficiency in government is one we might expect in a society in which it has become accepted policy for the government to make decisions in any and all fields of human endeavor and concern.
Thus has the individual lost much of the ability, willingness and opportunity to exercise his own independent judgment in the choice of his job, wages, method of education, and most other aspects of human activity. A moment’s reflection will reveal the pervasive reach of government power. Both through choice and by default we have individually and collectively decided that government is to be responsible—and that we as individuals are not.
To this end we have molded a governmental system of special interest-group warfare. Each of us is but a member of this or that ethnic, racial, social, or economic group. Each group must, through its self-appointed leaders, agitate, propagandize and lobby for the advancement of its “rights” in opposition to some “exploiter” or “oppressor.” If one is candid in his examination, he cannot deny that this pressure-group struggle is the spectacle of American government and society today.
Gradually we have abandoned the traditional and enlightened notion that we exist as individuals, that we must act as individuals, and that what we can and do achieve, we do as individuals. The tragedy of this abandonment is that it makes it more difficult or impossible for people to achieve, advance and prosper. With this erosion of individual responsibility, we lose the factor which provides human life with its excitement and substance.
Pressure-group warfare is generally pernicious in that it has the effect of directing human activity away from truly productive pursuits. The direction is rather toward the wasteful practice of coercively obtaining economic advantage or position for one group at the expense of another. Wealth and opportunity are erroneously viewed as limited, requiring that one man’s gain be another’s loss. Creation and achievement are supplanted as primary objectives in such a situation by efforts at confiscation and “equalization.”
Government fits nicely into this pressure-group scheme—indeed, it both thrives on it and concomitantly encourages its continuation and intensification. Being a nonmarket mechanism, engaging in fundamentally coercive rather than productive activity, government can and does tailor its operations to carry into effect the demands of the predominating pressure groups. Only by doing so can government jobs and programs be justified and sustained.
This state of affairs differs radically from a traditional market economy and society. For in such a market economy, exchanges of services and commodities (i.e., wealth) are voluntary. And when exchange is voluntary, it means—in the subjective sense—a gain by both parties to the exchange. At least as important as this is the absence of coercion from the process (except where government has corrupted the market mechanism, a topic beyond the scope of this essay).
Thus, the symbiotic relationship of government and the special interest-pressure-groups brings on the call for “responsiveness in government.” The pressure groups demand it as a means of increasing the effectiveness of their activities, as only through government can they begin to achieve their coercive ends. The government encourages such demands as a means of justifying and promoting its programs. The fact that it cares little if at all if such effectiveness is enhanced is immaterial. That the public in general and the pressure groups in particular feel the change is forthcoming serves just as well to justify the government’s reason for existence.
“Responsiveness in government” then is little more than a new twist on an old theme—that of activist government and the gradual collectivization of society. It is a manifestation of the statist concept of governmental responsibility and greater unification of the state. The only difference is that the proponents of “responsiveness” are demanding the ultimate—that government be coldly efficient in its efforts to politicize and centralize all decision making, removing from the sphere of individual control all that can be extracted.
The antidote for the poison of “responsive government” is as obvious as it is difficult of attainment. We must come to understand both our nature and our responsibilities as individuals. Only as we do this can we begin to develop the crucial understanding of and belief in the sanctity and sovereignty of the individual person and of his natural right to act out his life according to his choices, free of the coercion which government activity entails. It is as free individuals, acting as independent agents, that we experience our greatest personal glory, happiness and success. We can only achieve this satisfaction when we choose our own goals and direct our own action toward the pursuit of these goals. This opportunity and unique aspect of life is gradually and often irrevocably lost by excessive unification of the state.