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Bad Regulation Drives Out Good

By Sheldon Richman
Published: 10 April 2009
Bad Regulation Drives Out Good

In 1969 economist Harold Demsetz identified an important flaw in much public policy analysis, the “Nirvana Fallacy.” We would do well to keep it in mind as we think about solutions to the current economic problems. Demsetz described the fallacy thus:

“The view that now pervades much public policy economics implicitly presents the relevant choice as between an ideal norm and an existing ‘imperfect’ institutional arrangement. This nirvana approach differs considerably from a comparative institution approach in which the relevant choice is between alternative real institutional arrangements.”

A common form of the fallacy is rejection of the imperfect free (or freer) market in favor of (presumably) omniscient, omnipotent, and omnibenevolent government regulation. A ”flawed” but achievable arrangement is set against an (alleged) ideal, though it is left unestablished whether the ideal can in fact exist. The problem with this form of analysis should be obvious. If the ideal is not available, then the comparison is invalid and yields no practical information. If the rejected arrangement were compared to other achievable—that is, imperfect—alternatives, it might well be judged superior.

A recent example of the Nirvana Fallacy comes from Sen. Charles Schumer of New York. Earlier this week Schumer, appearing on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe,” explained how Congress and the Obama administration will prevent a recurrence of our financial troubles. Schumer said:

You’re gonna find a different system of regulation. The real problem—and this is government’s fault …—when the financial world changed, the system of regulation didn’t…. That will change. There will be a strong, quiet, hopefully more unified federal regulator…. And he’s gonna be tough–or she. But they’re gonna be quiet. So like when Bear Stearns began to run into trouble, they’re gonna call the heads of Bear Stearns in and say, “All right fellas, you’re getting rid of those two hedge funds; you’re gonna raise more capital—even if means you have lower profitability. We’re not gonna tell anyone you’re doing this, but you do it or we’re gonna take sanctions against you.” … You need a tough, strong regulator, unified—no holes in the system— … who … sees the problem ahead of time, so they have complete transparency, they know exactly what’s going on … and they come in and say ‘straighten up even if your … profitability is lower and your stock has to go down.

We should be grateful to Schumer for providing such a detailed answer because it affords an excellent opportunity to see how the Nirvana Fallacy underpins the regulatory approach to economic problems.

We see at once that Schumer is engaged in question begging, a key feature of the fallacy. He assumes what he must demonstrate—namely, that a regulator would have the characteristics he supposes. Several problems plague Schumer’s objective, but I’ll focus on one: the knowledge problem, which stems from that fact that the most critical economic knowledge is not readily obtainable statistical data. (The other problems involve incentives and mission creep.) Reread Schumer’s description with my emphasis:

So like when Bear Stearns began to run into trouble, they’re gonna call the heads of Bear Stearns in…. You need a tough, strong regulator, unified—no holes in the system— … who … sees the problem ahead of time, so they have complete transparency, they know exactly what’s going on.

Now ask yourself what Schumer apparently has not asked himself: How will the regulators “know exactly what’s going on”? Spotting Bear Stearns’s specific hedge-fund problems “ahead of time” (!) would have required insights and hunches that only entrepreneurs with money at risk could be expected to have—and even those might not have been enough. Fortune-telling is not a widely distributed skill. It’s not a matter of toughness or access to Bear’s books. At the very least, it’s a matter of entrepreneurship (not to mention luck), which is profit-driven. Bureaucratic regulators bring no such talent to their jobs. More likely, they’d enforcing formal (possibly outdated and irrelevant) rules, looking for a repeat of the last problem, while missing the next one entirely. As Nassim Nicholas Taleb might say, it’s the next black swan, not the last one, that bites you.

Schumer apparently assumes these insurmountable obstacles away. Worse, he shows no awareness of them. As a result, he perpetuates misconceptions that give people a false sense security about regulation, thereby making them more vulnerable to risk than otherwise. Bernard Madoff’s Ponzi pigeons thought they were protected by the SEC. Would they have been better or worse off without that “protection”?

Schumer’s fallacy is actually worse than the standard Nirvana Fallacy. He doesn’t compare his unrealizable regulatory vision to the free market but rather to the corporatist economy, replete with government bailouts, moral hazard, easy credit, and all the other ways of disabling market forces that lured big financial firms into trouble in the first place.

The closest we can get to what Schumer says he wants is through the discipline—that is, the regulation—imposed by the unfettered market. That includes bankruptcy’s Sword of Damocles and the freedom of traders to sell short, that is, to profit by betting that a company’s stock is overvalued and acting to communicate that information to the market early. Predictably, the government is planning to restrict short-selling. Bad regulation drives out good.

Sheldon Richman is the editor of The Freeman and "In brief." He is a contributor to The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics.

13 Comments »

  1. [...] The rest of TGIF is here. [...]

  2. Schumer is a Fasicst, but I'm not sure he knows it. We should start to use “F” word and the “S” word more often becuase these regulations and policies really do amount to Fascism and Socialism.

  3. My concern is that those words will repel those who don't already agree. So what's the point? Though the labels have clear definitions and descriptive value in some contexts, that won't stop them from sounding like emotion-driven name-calling to those we seek to persuade.

  4. Excellent article. What grabbed my attention is the part where Schumer says “But they’re gonna be quiet.” & “We’re not gonna tell anyone you’re doing this, but you do it or we’re gonna take sanctions against you.” Isn't he advocating secret govt? Then he goes on to “so they have complete transparency, they know exactly what’s going on.” Now transparency is secret govt with access to all private info! Sounds like fascist tyranny to me. Obviously, you can only cover so much in one article, but this is what blew me away more than the same old song & dance the statists do to expand govt. Maybe you'll write a follow up article. Hint, hint. ;-)

  5. Perhaps the problem is even more fundamental than Demsetz makes it out to be, that the term regulation itself implies that governments are capable of bringing order to, in this case, the financial realm, through the issuance of various rules, when there is otherwise no good reason to believe this to be the case.

    By the way, I incorporated some of your insights into a recent article on the subject of regulation and the current financial crisis.

    http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig6/weiner7.html

  6. Shumer' is describing nationalization not regulation. The regulator becomes the Chairman and CEO and tells the managers how they are to run the company. And of course they who work for a government which runs a huge deficit and who created this financial mess through its central bank know best how to run a business. No matter how flawed the private sector may be it is still light years ahead of any government bureaucrat.

  7. Expanding on my first comment I wrote an article, 'How Dare You Want To Know What “Your” Government Is Doing!'. http://www.nolanchart.com/article6279.html

  8. Great TGIF. And you're right about labels: the biggest problem with the Glenn Beck interview was that he was determined to make it the entire interview about the definition of Fascism, and made it impossible for you to discuss substance. Sure, Schumer is a Fascist, and it is probably the case that the majority of the American population is, by the formal definition, fascist, but the cure is to persuade them of the value of free markets, not to hope they'll flee from our labels.

  9. I'm much less concerned with labeling Schumer and his ilk as fascists or socialists than I am in opposing loudly those who label the current system a free market.

  10. Darren, excellent point. Charles Johnson elaborates here: http://radgeek.com/gt/2009/04/12/oneway_mirror/

    Hear, hear, Less and Ross.

  11. It strikes me that the opponents of a truly free market could accuse proponents (including myself) of exactly the same fallacy. Some libertarians assume what they have to prove and present the free market as a sort of libertopia, where all of the problems of life are reduced and perhaps even entirely eliminated. A truly free market would certainly eliminate much of the dead-weight loss that needless, foolish, etc. regulations incur. And, we should certainly point out the foolishness and needlessness of such regs as Dr. Richman has ably done in this case above, but is “the movement” as a whole making the positive case for economic liberty very well? Those within the libertarian ranks are already fully convinced of the efficiency and superiority of a free market, but I suspect that the majority of average folks are not. Though it is important to point out the flaws and ultimate harmfulness of intervention, it seems that avoiding our own charges of committing the Nirvana fallacy requires making a positive case for freer markets by demonstrating exactly how markets work and pointing out that though they are superior to other means of economic organization, they are in no wise perfect. I say this not because FEE especially hasn't been doing a good job of making the positive case, because the folks at FEE are among the leaders in doing so, but rather because the movement as a whole tends toward a negative strategy of pointing out our opponent's flaws rather than emphasizing the benefits of our own position. Such a negative approach seems hardwired into our brains as does the belief in the possibility of perfection, which is likely why the Nirvana fallacy exists and is so successful, but that demonstrating the virtues of the free market and how a free system of individuals pursuing their own ends peacefully will lead to a better (but not perfect:) world that will eliminate some of the problems we face seems to be the better approach. Sorry for rambling:)

  12. I have the perfect regulator for Mr. Schumer, SuperMan he can fly ya know.

    “All right fellas, you’re getting rid of those two hedge funds; you’re gonna raise more capital” um how? wait wait I know Chuck you get the Fed Chairman on the line and have him Print out 700 billion and we will be good to go. We can get some real valocity going with that kinda cash. Chuck lets talk about the money multiplier oh your not sure what that is, Hey Chuck lets talk about how I can protect the tax payers investments against risk, no I dont think the matress is a good idea. Chuck I cant get this loan approved or underwritten because its been setting on SuperMans desk. I know I know he's busy but for pete sakes the guys whats to buy an electric car. Ah Nirvana.

  13. [...] something bizarre, indeed, about government assuming the role of protector against systemic risk. Knowledge problems aside, is there any entity in our society that presents a greater systemic risk than the U.S. [...]

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